Tuesday, 28 February 2012
Robert Pattullo - Pattullo Pioneers
Robert Pattullo - Pattullo Pioneers Robert Pattullo will speak on the history and background of the Pattullo family in Scotland and the subsequent emigration of some members of the family to New Zealand in the 1800s. The early Pattullo pioneers first established themselves at Otago and then ventured to the East Coast of the North Island, purchasing land in Gisborne and Hawke's Bay, including "Newstead" in 1911.Robert will cover progress and change over the last 100 years at Newstead. He will also detail an extensive involvement and contribution to Agricultural and Pastoral Societies in both Otago and Hawke's Bay over four generations of the Pattullo family
Friday, 11 November 2011
J H Coleman: lust for land
LUST FOR LAND is written by Adrian Coleman. It is a record of J H Colemans life from arrival in New Zealand in1859 until his death in 1928 aged 94; acquisition of pastoral land in Hawkes Bay; very early sittings of the Maori Land Court in Hawke's Bay; Royal Commission into land dealings, particularly concerning the Heretaunga block (James escaped); the making of his fortune; his commercial and philanthropic activities; the lives of his four privileged step-children; division of his wealth; the lives of his own children and grandchildren.
Retired solicitor Adrian Coleman always hoped to pen a book. So when his muse came by way of a descendant's deeds box 20 years ago, the Hastings property lawyer decided its contents merited a mention.While he initially intended to write a biographical piece on the box's former owner - great-grandfather James Henry Coleman - his research led to a much broader project.The deeper he delved into his descendant's land dealing in what was then described as New Zealand's "wild west", the more the book's brief veered from a purely biographical account of his family, to a deeper understanding of some of the area's earliest land transactions.The broader scope "created quite a conundrum" for the 70-year-old, who admits he originally set out to write "primarily for my family". Yet the result, Lust for Land, James Henry Coleman - His Life, His Fortune, His Descendants, is, he believes, a "delicate fusion" and a scholarly and colourful history of his family and the province."Because I'm a lawyer I'm interested in land issues and how lawyers of the day dealt with these issues."So what has changed in a property lawyer's role between the mid 19th century and now? "Hardly anything actually. The law doesn't move very fast."And even outside legal transactions, there were other similarities between now and then. "I remember one Maori woman, a client of mine, weeping as she signed away a small flat in Flaxmere. That occurred only about six years ago. When the great Hawke's Bay chief Karaitiana had his land eased from under him he went into a long and deep depression. The Maori attachment to land was, and still is, palpable."The book, launched last month in Havelock North, was also a family affair. "I had my son, James Hayes Coleman, great-great-grandson of the old man, and his son Jacob Howard Coleman, great-great-great-grandson, beside me, which made it a special occasion."As for family affairs, don't miss the story of a future son-in-law's fighting off the cannibals of Rwanda, of a daughter being courted by a succession of impecunious impostors, all claiming to be titled Europeans, love and heartbreak in two world wars, and the impressive social functions which wealth made possible.
Retired solicitor Adrian Coleman always hoped to pen a book. So when his muse came by way of a descendant's deeds box 20 years ago, the Hastings property lawyer decided its contents merited a mention.While he initially intended to write a biographical piece on the box's former owner - great-grandfather James Henry Coleman - his research led to a much broader project.The deeper he delved into his descendant's land dealing in what was then described as New Zealand's "wild west", the more the book's brief veered from a purely biographical account of his family, to a deeper understanding of some of the area's earliest land transactions.The broader scope "created quite a conundrum" for the 70-year-old, who admits he originally set out to write "primarily for my family". Yet the result, Lust for Land, James Henry Coleman - His Life, His Fortune, His Descendants, is, he believes, a "delicate fusion" and a scholarly and colourful history of his family and the province."Because I'm a lawyer I'm interested in land issues and how lawyers of the day dealt with these issues."So what has changed in a property lawyer's role between the mid 19th century and now? "Hardly anything actually. The law doesn't move very fast."And even outside legal transactions, there were other similarities between now and then. "I remember one Maori woman, a client of mine, weeping as she signed away a small flat in Flaxmere. That occurred only about six years ago. When the great Hawke's Bay chief Karaitiana had his land eased from under him he went into a long and deep depression. The Maori attachment to land was, and still is, palpable."The book, launched last month in Havelock North, was also a family affair. "I had my son, James Hayes Coleman, great-great-grandson of the old man, and his son Jacob Howard Coleman, great-great-great-grandson, beside me, which made it a special occasion."As for family affairs, don't miss the story of a future son-in-law's fighting off the cannibals of Rwanda, of a daughter being courted by a succession of impecunious impostors, all claiming to be titled Europeans, love and heartbreak in two world wars, and the impressive social functions which wealth made possible.
Friday, 21 October 2011
Hawke's Bay Magpie Rugby History - 1875 - 1945 - Frank Long
Hawke's Bay Magpie Rugby History - 1875 - 1945 - Frank Long A wonderful book.
The Hawke's Bay Rugby Union was founded in 1884. This makes it the oldest Provincial Rugby Union outside the four main centres. Hawke's Bay have a very good Ranfurly Shield record with 24 defenses from 1922 to 1927, 21 successful defenses between 1966 and 1969 as well as 2 defenses in 1934. Hawke's Bays glory days came long before the NPC was founded. As such Hawke's Bay does not have a very flattering record in either that competition or the AIR NZ Cup. The best position the have managed in either is 3rd. Hawke's Bay dominated the second division of the NPC before the Air New Zealand Cup was set up. In 1997 Hawke's Bay joined with Manuwatu to become the Central Vikings and subsequently won the 1998 second division NPC final against Bay of Plenty at McLean Park, Napier. Both Unions have since gone their separate ways, and are both foundation unions of the Air New Zealand Cup which started in 2006. In the past Hawke's Bay has produced some great All Blacks over 50 in total including Kel Tremain and George Nepia Hawkes Bay also defeated the 1993 British Lions.
Brief history of Hawke's Bay Ranfurly Shield history is some quite good until the late 60's.
Hawke’s Bay rugby is defined by two golden Ranfurly Shield eras: 1922–26 and 1967–69. In both periods the Bay became the benchmark for rugby in this country, and the 1920s side was truly something special. It scored 720 points in 24 successful defences and conceded just 204. Players such as the legendary George Nepia, Jimmy Mill, Bert Grenside, Jackie Blake and the mighty Brownlie brothers – Laurie, Cyril and Maurice – all wore the black and white of the Bay with distinction. Good as these players and their teammates were, much of the Bay’s remarkable success was due to the efforts of the astute and formidable Norm McKenzie, Hawke’s Bay’s selector-coach during this golden run.
Norman McKenzie, one of five brothers to have played first-class rugby, became a Hawke’s Bay selector in 1916. Along with his brothers Ted and Bert, he would play a key role in the controversial 1927 ‘Battle of Solway’.
Hawke's Bay rugby (video)
Hawke’s Bay’s 19–9 victory over Wellington in their 1922 shield challenge came as a complete shock to the team from the capital. Nothing in Hawke’s Bay’s recent history suggested that the outcome would be anything other than a routine victory for Wellington. Little was known about the Bay team, which McKenzie had assembled after scouring the province for men with individual brilliance who could also become effective team players. Hawke’s Bay’s dream nearly turned into a nightmare within weeks. They held on 17–16 over Bay of Plenty only because the challengers failed to convert a last-minute try near the posts.
By 1926 Hawke’s Bay had assembled a remarkably strong squad. The arrival of Bert Cooke from Auckland and Lance Johnson from Wellington completed a backline so strong that even recent All Blacks of the calibre of Lui Paewai and Tommy Corkill couldn’t break into the team. Some of New Zealand rugby’s finest unions were dispatched with ease – Wellington 58–8, Auckland 41–11 and Wairarapa 77–14. There seemed no reason to think that the Bay’s run would end any time soon.
Over the summer of 1926–27 Hawke’s Bay was rocked by a number of departures. George Nepia moved to East Coast and Bert Cooke and ‘Bull’ Irvine left for Wairarapa. In the first challenge of the 1927 season Wairarapa, so convincingly defeated the season before, ended the Bay’s tenure with a hard-fought 15–11 win. Some expressed relief that Hawke’s Bay′s reign had finally ended. Even Norman McKenzie admitted that the shield needed to move to maintain its appeal. But not everyone in the Bay was so willing to accept the loss of a possession to which they had become accustomed. The opportunity for redemption came just a month later with a rematch in Masterton. A unique feature of this game was the involvement of the McKenzie family. Norman’s brother Ted was the Wairarapa coach and Bert McKenzie was the referee. Hawke’s Bay won the Battle of Solway 21–10 but Wairarapa kept the shield because Wattie Barclay was later ruled to have been ineligible to play on residential grounds. In the meantime the Bay ‘defended’ the shield twice in challenges that were expunged from the record.
Kel Tremain
Though there was a brief shield tenure in 1934, Bay supporters had to wait until 1966 for a rerun of the 1920s. After Waikato was defeated at the end of the season, shield fever gripped the province. Over the next three seasons street parades preceded 21 successful defences. As in the 1920s, success was due in no small part to the coach. Colin Le Quesne – ‘The Fuehrer’ – was a meticulous planner who had represented the Bay with some distinction during the 1930s. He had welded together a formidable team which contained many fine players who went on to represent their country. None stood out more than the captain, Kel Tremain.
At the time Tremain’s status in New Zealand rugby equalled that of Colin Meads. As an agricultural field cadet he studied at Massey and Lincoln agricultural colleges. So after debuting for Southland in 1957 Tremain represnted Manawatu, Canterbury and Auckland before settling in Hawke’s Bay in 1962. He was a try-scoring machine from the side of the scrum. In 268 first class matches he scored 136 tries, a record not beaten by another forward until Zinzan Brooke did so in the 1980s and ‘90s.
Kel Tremain died in 1992 after a short illness, aged only 54. His place in New Zealand rugby is recognised by the annual award for the outstanding player of the season, which is named in his honour.
The Hawke's Bay Rugby Union was founded in 1884. This makes it the oldest Provincial Rugby Union outside the four main centres. Hawke's Bay have a very good Ranfurly Shield record with 24 defenses from 1922 to 1927, 21 successful defenses between 1966 and 1969 as well as 2 defenses in 1934. Hawke's Bays glory days came long before the NPC was founded. As such Hawke's Bay does not have a very flattering record in either that competition or the AIR NZ Cup. The best position the have managed in either is 3rd. Hawke's Bay dominated the second division of the NPC before the Air New Zealand Cup was set up. In 1997 Hawke's Bay joined with Manuwatu to become the Central Vikings and subsequently won the 1998 second division NPC final against Bay of Plenty at McLean Park, Napier. Both Unions have since gone their separate ways, and are both foundation unions of the Air New Zealand Cup which started in 2006. In the past Hawke's Bay has produced some great All Blacks over 50 in total including Kel Tremain and George Nepia Hawkes Bay also defeated the 1993 British Lions.
Brief history of Hawke's Bay Ranfurly Shield history is some quite good until the late 60's.
Hawke’s Bay rugby is defined by two golden Ranfurly Shield eras: 1922–26 and 1967–69. In both periods the Bay became the benchmark for rugby in this country, and the 1920s side was truly something special. It scored 720 points in 24 successful defences and conceded just 204. Players such as the legendary George Nepia, Jimmy Mill, Bert Grenside, Jackie Blake and the mighty Brownlie brothers – Laurie, Cyril and Maurice – all wore the black and white of the Bay with distinction. Good as these players and their teammates were, much of the Bay’s remarkable success was due to the efforts of the astute and formidable Norm McKenzie, Hawke’s Bay’s selector-coach during this golden run.
Norman McKenzie, one of five brothers to have played first-class rugby, became a Hawke’s Bay selector in 1916. Along with his brothers Ted and Bert, he would play a key role in the controversial 1927 ‘Battle of Solway’.
Hawke's Bay rugby (video)
Hawke’s Bay’s 19–9 victory over Wellington in their 1922 shield challenge came as a complete shock to the team from the capital. Nothing in Hawke’s Bay’s recent history suggested that the outcome would be anything other than a routine victory for Wellington. Little was known about the Bay team, which McKenzie had assembled after scouring the province for men with individual brilliance who could also become effective team players. Hawke’s Bay’s dream nearly turned into a nightmare within weeks. They held on 17–16 over Bay of Plenty only because the challengers failed to convert a last-minute try near the posts.
By 1926 Hawke’s Bay had assembled a remarkably strong squad. The arrival of Bert Cooke from Auckland and Lance Johnson from Wellington completed a backline so strong that even recent All Blacks of the calibre of Lui Paewai and Tommy Corkill couldn’t break into the team. Some of New Zealand rugby’s finest unions were dispatched with ease – Wellington 58–8, Auckland 41–11 and Wairarapa 77–14. There seemed no reason to think that the Bay’s run would end any time soon.
Over the summer of 1926–27 Hawke’s Bay was rocked by a number of departures. George Nepia moved to East Coast and Bert Cooke and ‘Bull’ Irvine left for Wairarapa. In the first challenge of the 1927 season Wairarapa, so convincingly defeated the season before, ended the Bay’s tenure with a hard-fought 15–11 win. Some expressed relief that Hawke’s Bay′s reign had finally ended. Even Norman McKenzie admitted that the shield needed to move to maintain its appeal. But not everyone in the Bay was so willing to accept the loss of a possession to which they had become accustomed. The opportunity for redemption came just a month later with a rematch in Masterton. A unique feature of this game was the involvement of the McKenzie family. Norman’s brother Ted was the Wairarapa coach and Bert McKenzie was the referee. Hawke’s Bay won the Battle of Solway 21–10 but Wairarapa kept the shield because Wattie Barclay was later ruled to have been ineligible to play on residential grounds. In the meantime the Bay ‘defended’ the shield twice in challenges that were expunged from the record.
Kel Tremain
Though there was a brief shield tenure in 1934, Bay supporters had to wait until 1966 for a rerun of the 1920s. After Waikato was defeated at the end of the season, shield fever gripped the province. Over the next three seasons street parades preceded 21 successful defences. As in the 1920s, success was due in no small part to the coach. Colin Le Quesne – ‘The Fuehrer’ – was a meticulous planner who had represented the Bay with some distinction during the 1930s. He had welded together a formidable team which contained many fine players who went on to represent their country. None stood out more than the captain, Kel Tremain.
At the time Tremain’s status in New Zealand rugby equalled that of Colin Meads. As an agricultural field cadet he studied at Massey and Lincoln agricultural colleges. So after debuting for Southland in 1957 Tremain represnted Manawatu, Canterbury and Auckland before settling in Hawke’s Bay in 1962. He was a try-scoring machine from the side of the scrum. In 268 first class matches he scored 136 tries, a record not beaten by another forward until Zinzan Brooke did so in the 1980s and ‘90s.
Kel Tremain died in 1992 after a short illness, aged only 54. His place in New Zealand rugby is recognised by the annual award for the outstanding player of the season, which is named in his honour.
Tuesday, 13 September 2011
Woodford House a history by Gaye Robertson
Miss Mabel Annie Hodge, from Cheltenham, England established Woodford House in Hastings in 1894. She started the school with 18 day girls and four boarders.
Miss Hodge was followed as principal in 1923 by Miss Mary Holland.
Both Misses Hodge and Holland were determined and inspirational women who led the school throughout two World Wars, the Great Depression and the 1931 Hawke's Bay Earthquake.
As the number of pupils increased she realised it would be advantageous to relocate the school to larger premises and the hills of Havelock North appealed to her.
Accordingly she set about her task and sought the opinions of parents and enlisted help from prominent locals who proceeded with the development of Woodford. The school house system which forms an important part of the special character of Woodford was derived from the association of those four founding families. The new school opened with 60 boarders and six staff in February 1911.
The chapel, dedicated to St Francis of Assisi, was consecrated and officially opened in 1928. It suffered some damage (as did other parts of the school) in the Hawke’s Bay Earthquake of 1931, but by the end of the year was fully restored. The chapel was extended in 1968 and rededicated in time for the 75th Anniversary in 1969. Today the chapel, featuring extensive use of stained glass windows and containing an impressive organ, is the centre of the school and is used for school services, memorial services, baptisms and weddings.
The site was quite barren at the outset but over the years landscaping and extensive tree planting which retain the magnificent views have turned the grounds into an established and well recognised landscape. The beautiful 22 hectare site overlooks the Heretaunga Plains with its orchards, vineyards and views to the western ranges.
The present hall and dining room are part of the original building but an extensive range of specialist facilities have been added over the years, so that the campus remains modern and totally functional whilst catering for every educational and accommodation need.
Woodford House became an integrated school in 1999 and today caters for up to 325 boarding and day girls from Years 7 to 13. It continues to have a close affiliation with the Anglican Church under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Waiapu.
The school still identifies with and regularly celebrates its historic past and has a reputation for excellence and encouraging independence and confidence in young women. The current principal, Mrs Jackie Barron, has over 25 years experience as an educator and was previously Deputy Principal at Gore High School.
Miss Hodge was followed as principal in 1923 by Miss Mary Holland.
Both Misses Hodge and Holland were determined and inspirational women who led the school throughout two World Wars, the Great Depression and the 1931 Hawke's Bay Earthquake.
As the number of pupils increased she realised it would be advantageous to relocate the school to larger premises and the hills of Havelock North appealed to her.
Accordingly she set about her task and sought the opinions of parents and enlisted help from prominent locals who proceeded with the development of Woodford. The school house system which forms an important part of the special character of Woodford was derived from the association of those four founding families. The new school opened with 60 boarders and six staff in February 1911.
The chapel, dedicated to St Francis of Assisi, was consecrated and officially opened in 1928. It suffered some damage (as did other parts of the school) in the Hawke’s Bay Earthquake of 1931, but by the end of the year was fully restored. The chapel was extended in 1968 and rededicated in time for the 75th Anniversary in 1969. Today the chapel, featuring extensive use of stained glass windows and containing an impressive organ, is the centre of the school and is used for school services, memorial services, baptisms and weddings.
The site was quite barren at the outset but over the years landscaping and extensive tree planting which retain the magnificent views have turned the grounds into an established and well recognised landscape. The beautiful 22 hectare site overlooks the Heretaunga Plains with its orchards, vineyards and views to the western ranges.
The present hall and dining room are part of the original building but an extensive range of specialist facilities have been added over the years, so that the campus remains modern and totally functional whilst catering for every educational and accommodation need.
Woodford House became an integrated school in 1999 and today caters for up to 325 boarding and day girls from Years 7 to 13. It continues to have a close affiliation with the Anglican Church under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Waiapu.
The school still identifies with and regularly celebrates its historic past and has a reputation for excellence and encouraging independence and confidence in young women. The current principal, Mrs Jackie Barron, has over 25 years experience as an educator and was previously Deputy Principal at Gore High School.
Tuesday, 9 August 2011
NZ Apple and Pear Board
In 1948 the Government passed the NZ Apple and Pear Market Act allowing the formation of the NZ apple and Pear Marketing Board, and some financial backing from teh Government.
In 1949 NZ apple and Pear exports excedd half a million by 1950 the one million mark is exceeded.
In 1956 Granny Smith apples are introduced to North America.In 1973 the exporting of Royal Gala apples commences.
In 1984 7 million cartons of apples and pears are exported. A record high. In 1985 Braeburns were introduced. Between 1948 and 2001 apple and pear growers banded together with the New Zealand government to form an agency – the Apple and Pear Marketing Board – that acquired, exported and marketed New Zealand pipfruit. This film clip from the 1960s discusses the reasons the board was set up. In 1991 ENZA brand is created formerly the NZ apple and Pear Board is formed and export exceed 14 million crates. Since 2001 individual growers have been able to export and market their own fruit.
ENZA, formally the New Zealand Apple & Pear Marketing Board, has been successfully exporting premium New Zealand pipfruit for over 50 years. The ENZA brand was launched in 1992 and has become one of the most recognised fruit brands in the world.
Around 45 different varieties of ENZA apples and pears are exported to countries around the globe. The three major varieties, Braeburn, Fuji and Royal Gala, make up over 75% of the volume we export, with a raft of other varieties contributing to the total, including Cox Orange Pippin, Pacific Rose™ and Granny Smith, to name a few. ENZA continues to invest in new variety development, and has exclusive global rights to a number of new varieties, including Jazz™.
The beginning of 2003 marked the start of another exciting chapter for ENZA, when we officially merged with Turners & Growers Ltd, forming a company with a turnover in excess of $1 billion. Turners & Growers have over 100 years experience in the New Zealand fresh fruit and vegetable industry, and we are now working towards cementing our position as one of the largest horticultural companies in the Southern Hemisphere.
In 1949 NZ apple and Pear exports excedd half a million by 1950 the one million mark is exceeded.
In 1956 Granny Smith apples are introduced to North America.In 1973 the exporting of Royal Gala apples commences.
In 1984 7 million cartons of apples and pears are exported. A record high. In 1985 Braeburns were introduced. Between 1948 and 2001 apple and pear growers banded together with the New Zealand government to form an agency – the Apple and Pear Marketing Board – that acquired, exported and marketed New Zealand pipfruit. This film clip from the 1960s discusses the reasons the board was set up. In 1991 ENZA brand is created formerly the NZ apple and Pear Board is formed and export exceed 14 million crates. Since 2001 individual growers have been able to export and market their own fruit.
ENZA, formally the New Zealand Apple & Pear Marketing Board, has been successfully exporting premium New Zealand pipfruit for over 50 years. The ENZA brand was launched in 1992 and has become one of the most recognised fruit brands in the world.
Around 45 different varieties of ENZA apples and pears are exported to countries around the globe. The three major varieties, Braeburn, Fuji and Royal Gala, make up over 75% of the volume we export, with a raft of other varieties contributing to the total, including Cox Orange Pippin, Pacific Rose™ and Granny Smith, to name a few. ENZA continues to invest in new variety development, and has exclusive global rights to a number of new varieties, including Jazz™.
The beginning of 2003 marked the start of another exciting chapter for ENZA, when we officially merged with Turners & Growers Ltd, forming a company with a turnover in excess of $1 billion. Turners & Growers have over 100 years experience in the New Zealand fresh fruit and vegetable industry, and we are now working towards cementing our position as one of the largest horticultural companies in the Southern Hemisphere.
Tuesday, 12 July 2011
From Shaky Ground : Caroline Fitzgerald spoke on Henry Williams
From Shaky Ground : Caroline Fitzgerald spoke on Henry Williams
Christchurch writer, Caroline Fitzgerald discussed her latest book Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North.
The harrowing experiences of the latest Christchurch earthquakes have left Fitzgerald feeling a little ‘shaky’ to say the least, and she welcomed the opportunity to visit the heart of Hawke’s Bay to discuss historical interests with lovers of history and books.
Being the great-great-granddaughter of Henry Williams, Fitzgerald claims that writing this book has given her a greater insight into her family’s contribution to New Zealand history. Ever since Henry Williams (Te Wiremu) translated the Treaty of Waitangi into Māori in 1840, his name has been embroiled in controversy. Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North gives readers another perspective of the life and commitment that Henry Williams made as a missionary and a friend to Māori people.
Fitzgerald gives an account of the personal trials and circumstances that Henry Williams endured as a missionary, teacher, surgeon and an advocate for Māori language. His involvement with local iwi in the North Island was renowned, and he often acted as a peacemaker, successfully saving thousands of lives.
Fitzgerald’s latest book is a companion to her first book, Letters from the Bay of Islands: The Story of Marianne Williams, which was highly successful. There are also whispers of a third book to come.
Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North is available from Hastings District Libraries.
Synopsis as follows:
According to family information Henry Williams was born on 11 February 1792; he was baptised on 13 April at Gosport, Hampshire, England. He was the fifth child and third son of Thomas Williams, a lace manufacturer, and his wife, Mary Marsh. His parents were relatively well off until the death of his father in 1804. Two years later, at the age of 14, Henry entered the Royal Navy as a midshipman, with aspirations to be an officer. The nearly 10 years that he spent in the navy were far from easy; conditions on naval vessels were extremely harsh during the Napoleonic wars. Having seen active service in many parts of the world he was discharged from the navy in August 1815 as a lieutenant on half pay. The last captain under whom he served noted that he had behaved with diligence and sobriety.
With the end of the Napoleonic wars unemployment, particularly among halfpay lieutenants, was very high; Henry had to find a new vocation. He worked for a while as a drawing master, but at the same time began to prepare himself for the mission field. His parents were Dissenters, and like many missionaries who came from homes influenced by evangelical Christianity, he experienced a gradual conversion rather than a sudden illumination. From about 1816 he came under the tutelage of his evangelical brother-in-law, Edward Marsh, a member of the Church Missionary Society and later vicar of Aylesford. But his firm decision to become a missionary was probably made after his marriage to Marianne Coldham at Nuneham Courtenay, Oxfordshire, on 20 January 1818.
In 1819 Henry Williams offered his services to the CMS. He was accepted first as a lay settler, and then in 1820 as a missionary candidate. Although Marsh thought that he had no 'great proficiency in the Greek and Latin language', he was ordained a priest 'for the cure of souls in his majesty's foreign possessions' in 1822. Before leaving for New Zealand he also took instruction in the practical areas of medicine, weaving, twining, basket making, and, during the voyage out, shipbuilding. With Marianne and three children he arrived at the Bay of Islands on the Brampton on 3 August 1823.
Henry Williams was severely tested during the early months in the Bay of Islands, as he assumed the leadership of a mission beset by problems. The CMS mission to New Zealand was nearly 10 years old when he arrived, but not a single Maori had been converted. The missionaries were still largely dependent on the Maori for food and supplies; and under the leadership of Thomas Kendall and John Butler the mission had been torn apart by bitter personal disputes.
Having settled himself and his family at Paihia, Henry first attended to the secular side of the mission. He wanted to reduce the missionaries' involvement with the trading captains of Kororareka (Russell), to end their dependence on the Maori for supplies, and most of all he wanted to stop the musket trade in which the missionaries had been forced to engage. He quickly imposed regulations on the missionaries' trading, but it was the completion in 1826, under Henry's direction, of the 50 ton schooner Herald that really made the mission independent of local influences.
Meantime Henry had also put his mind to the spiritual aspect of missionary work. He soon concluded that the mission had placed too much emphasis on 'civilising' the Maori. In this he differed from Samuel Marsden, founder of the mission, who had emphasised teaching useful arts and agriculture as a prelude to conversion. Henry argued that the emphasis on secular instruction distracted the missionaries from the far more important task of bringing the Maori to Christianity. He began to reorganise the mission so that more time could be devoted to spiritual teaching.
To better carry out this essential task, Henry argued that mission members needed to spend more time learning the Maori language, preaching to the tribes in the surrounding area, and teaching in the schools on the mission stations; to do all these things most of the personnel would have to be concentrated in one place. Paihia became the headquarters and there the missionaries began by devoting regular amounts of time to learning Maori together. The arrival of Henry's brother William, in 1826, gave a great impetus to this programme: all members benefited from William's talent for languages. Having more missionaries at one station meant that they were able to visit the surrounding villages more frequently and, as they became proficient in Maori, their preaching was more effective. Schooling for Maori children was revitalised under Henry and his wife, Marianne, and more students attended classes regularly. Working effectively together fostered harmonious relations among the missionaries themselves; Henry claimed that the Maori noticed their greater unity and purpose.
Henry Williams's forceful personality and discipline were perhaps as important as his policies in reorganising the mission, and these characteristics also contributed to his growing mana among the Maori. Although his capacity to comprehend the indigenous culture was severely constrained by his evangelical Christianity, his obduracy was in some ways an advantage in dealings with the Maori. From the time of his arrival he refused to be intimidated by the threats and boisterous actions of utu and muru plundering parties. By the late 1820s he felt confident enough to intervene in intertribal disputes and on several occasions was able to negotiate peace between hostile groups. Such peacemaking was both a cause and a consequence of his growing prestige among the Maori. Only a person who was held in regard would be invited to settle a conflict, and it required even greater mana to be successful. As his personal repute grew, so did the influence of the mission.
The 1830s were a decade of achievement and progress for Henry Williams and the CMS mission. Success could be measured in two ways: increasing numbers of Maori were baptised, and the Bay of Islands mission was secure enough to provide a base for expansion throughout the North Island. There had been occasional baptisms in earlier years, but, beginning in 1829–30, several Maori adults and children were baptised at Paihia. By 1842 over 3,000 Maori in the Bay of Islands area had been baptised. No doubt Maori motives for 'going missionary' were often mixed and there was considerable backsliding in later years, but, as Maori conversions increased, the missionaries were successful, at least in their own terms. Their growing confidence in the north enabled them to extend their operations to the south. Here, too, Henry Williams played a leading role. He made several trips to other parts of the North Island to explore the possibilities for expansion, and directed the establishment of new missions. He sent missionaries to begin work at several places in the Waikato during the 1830s, his brother William moved to Turanga, in Poverty Bay, at the end of the decade, and stations were founded as far south as Otaki. By 1840 Henry could look with considerable satisfaction on the achievements of the CMS mission since his arrival in 1823.
But 1840 was also a year of major changes, both for New Zealand and, although he did not appreciate it immediately, for Henry Williams. With the country's annexation by Britain and a growing population of settlers, Henry became embroiled in racial conflict and caught up by forces that were beyond his control. Rather than simply ministering to one race, he was drawn into the increasingly uncomfortable role of mediating between two races.
The ambiguity of his position was apparent at the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. Henry translated the English draft of the treaty into Maori, and, at the meetings with the Crown's representative, William Hobson, at Waitangi, he explained its provisions to Maori leaders. Later he travelled to the west coast of the North Island, between Wellington and Wanganui, and to the Marlborough Sounds to persuade other Maori to sign the treaty. However, his Maori version of the treaty was not a literal translation from the English draft and did not convey clearly the cession of sovereignty. Moreover, in his discussions with Maori leaders Henry placed the treaty in the best possible light and this, and his mana, were major factors in the treaty's acceptance. Undoubtedly, therefore, he must bear some of the responsibility for the failure of the Treaty of Waitangi to provide the basis for peaceful settlement and a lasting understanding between Maori and European.
As Maori-European relations deteriorated in the north in the early 1840s, Henry Williams tried to maintain peace between the races, as he had done earlier between tribes. In spite of his efforts the conflict over land and sovereignty soon moved beyond the possibility of compromise. Having failed to prevent hostilities he assisted the wounded and helped evacuate the beleaguered settlers when Hone Heke launched a final attack on Kororareka in 1845. His close association with the Bay of Islands Maori produced accusations of disloyalty from Europeans, while the stationing of British troops at the Waimate mission created suspicion in the minds of some Maori. Other Maori accused him of misleading them in his explanations of the treaty. Throughout the conflict, as in later life, Henry asserted that his missionary vocation was paramount and that his primary concern was for the Maori, but it was difficult to be single-minded when he was assailed from all sides.
The arrival of George Grey to begin his first governorship in late 1845 soon led to Henry Williams's involvement in disputes of another kind. During the 1830s, mostly to provide some security for his growing family, Henry had purchased extensive tracts of land in the Tai-a-mai area, west of Paihia. In dispatches to the Colonial Office that later became public, Grey questioned the validity of Henry's title to the land and falsely claimed that the landholdings of the CMS missionaries were a cause of the war in the north. Henry was obliged to defend his land purchases and, much more important as far as he was concerned, his personal integrity against the governor's charges. But he was fighting a losing battle against a more powerful adversary. Henry's superior, Bishop G. A. Selwyn, sided with Grey, and in 1849 the CMS in London, persuaded by Henry Williams's critics, decided that Henry was too much of an embarrassment to remain a member of the organisation.
His dismissal from the CMS that he had served for so long was a bitter blow to Henry. Within a week of receiving the news in May 1850 he left Paihia and moved to Pakaraka, where his children were farming the land that was the source of so much trouble. He was still a priest in the Church of England and Selwyn had made him archdeacon of Waimate in 1844; he continued to minister and preach to the Maori in his locality and gathered a considerable congregation around him. The injustice against him was only partly assuaged when he was reinstated to the CMS in 1854.
Henry Williams's abiding concern for the Maori was apparent in his distress at the outbreak of warfare with the Pakeha again in 1860. In private correspondence he was critical of the government officials and their policies, but he remained largely aloof from the public debate about the war. In 1862 he wrote to his brother-in-law, Edward Marsh: 'I feel our work is drawing to a close; and were it not for the Maories, I should have relinquished all long since. But I feel bound to them'. After several years of deteriorating health, Henry Williams died on 16 July 1867. His passing was perhaps most keenly felt by the northern Maori among whom he had lived for most of his life.
Christchurch writer, Caroline Fitzgerald discussed her latest book Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North.
The harrowing experiences of the latest Christchurch earthquakes have left Fitzgerald feeling a little ‘shaky’ to say the least, and she welcomed the opportunity to visit the heart of Hawke’s Bay to discuss historical interests with lovers of history and books.
Being the great-great-granddaughter of Henry Williams, Fitzgerald claims that writing this book has given her a greater insight into her family’s contribution to New Zealand history. Ever since Henry Williams (Te Wiremu) translated the Treaty of Waitangi into Māori in 1840, his name has been embroiled in controversy. Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North gives readers another perspective of the life and commitment that Henry Williams made as a missionary and a friend to Māori people.
Fitzgerald gives an account of the personal trials and circumstances that Henry Williams endured as a missionary, teacher, surgeon and an advocate for Māori language. His involvement with local iwi in the North Island was renowned, and he often acted as a peacemaker, successfully saving thousands of lives.
Fitzgerald’s latest book is a companion to her first book, Letters from the Bay of Islands: The Story of Marianne Williams, which was highly successful. There are also whispers of a third book to come.
Te Wiremu – Henry Williams: Early Years in the North is available from Hastings District Libraries.
Synopsis as follows:
According to family information Henry Williams was born on 11 February 1792; he was baptised on 13 April at Gosport, Hampshire, England. He was the fifth child and third son of Thomas Williams, a lace manufacturer, and his wife, Mary Marsh. His parents were relatively well off until the death of his father in 1804. Two years later, at the age of 14, Henry entered the Royal Navy as a midshipman, with aspirations to be an officer. The nearly 10 years that he spent in the navy were far from easy; conditions on naval vessels were extremely harsh during the Napoleonic wars. Having seen active service in many parts of the world he was discharged from the navy in August 1815 as a lieutenant on half pay. The last captain under whom he served noted that he had behaved with diligence and sobriety.
With the end of the Napoleonic wars unemployment, particularly among halfpay lieutenants, was very high; Henry had to find a new vocation. He worked for a while as a drawing master, but at the same time began to prepare himself for the mission field. His parents were Dissenters, and like many missionaries who came from homes influenced by evangelical Christianity, he experienced a gradual conversion rather than a sudden illumination. From about 1816 he came under the tutelage of his evangelical brother-in-law, Edward Marsh, a member of the Church Missionary Society and later vicar of Aylesford. But his firm decision to become a missionary was probably made after his marriage to Marianne Coldham at Nuneham Courtenay, Oxfordshire, on 20 January 1818.
In 1819 Henry Williams offered his services to the CMS. He was accepted first as a lay settler, and then in 1820 as a missionary candidate. Although Marsh thought that he had no 'great proficiency in the Greek and Latin language', he was ordained a priest 'for the cure of souls in his majesty's foreign possessions' in 1822. Before leaving for New Zealand he also took instruction in the practical areas of medicine, weaving, twining, basket making, and, during the voyage out, shipbuilding. With Marianne and three children he arrived at the Bay of Islands on the Brampton on 3 August 1823.
Henry Williams was severely tested during the early months in the Bay of Islands, as he assumed the leadership of a mission beset by problems. The CMS mission to New Zealand was nearly 10 years old when he arrived, but not a single Maori had been converted. The missionaries were still largely dependent on the Maori for food and supplies; and under the leadership of Thomas Kendall and John Butler the mission had been torn apart by bitter personal disputes.
Having settled himself and his family at Paihia, Henry first attended to the secular side of the mission. He wanted to reduce the missionaries' involvement with the trading captains of Kororareka (Russell), to end their dependence on the Maori for supplies, and most of all he wanted to stop the musket trade in which the missionaries had been forced to engage. He quickly imposed regulations on the missionaries' trading, but it was the completion in 1826, under Henry's direction, of the 50 ton schooner Herald that really made the mission independent of local influences.
Meantime Henry had also put his mind to the spiritual aspect of missionary work. He soon concluded that the mission had placed too much emphasis on 'civilising' the Maori. In this he differed from Samuel Marsden, founder of the mission, who had emphasised teaching useful arts and agriculture as a prelude to conversion. Henry argued that the emphasis on secular instruction distracted the missionaries from the far more important task of bringing the Maori to Christianity. He began to reorganise the mission so that more time could be devoted to spiritual teaching.
To better carry out this essential task, Henry argued that mission members needed to spend more time learning the Maori language, preaching to the tribes in the surrounding area, and teaching in the schools on the mission stations; to do all these things most of the personnel would have to be concentrated in one place. Paihia became the headquarters and there the missionaries began by devoting regular amounts of time to learning Maori together. The arrival of Henry's brother William, in 1826, gave a great impetus to this programme: all members benefited from William's talent for languages. Having more missionaries at one station meant that they were able to visit the surrounding villages more frequently and, as they became proficient in Maori, their preaching was more effective. Schooling for Maori children was revitalised under Henry and his wife, Marianne, and more students attended classes regularly. Working effectively together fostered harmonious relations among the missionaries themselves; Henry claimed that the Maori noticed their greater unity and purpose.
Henry Williams's forceful personality and discipline were perhaps as important as his policies in reorganising the mission, and these characteristics also contributed to his growing mana among the Maori. Although his capacity to comprehend the indigenous culture was severely constrained by his evangelical Christianity, his obduracy was in some ways an advantage in dealings with the Maori. From the time of his arrival he refused to be intimidated by the threats and boisterous actions of utu and muru plundering parties. By the late 1820s he felt confident enough to intervene in intertribal disputes and on several occasions was able to negotiate peace between hostile groups. Such peacemaking was both a cause and a consequence of his growing prestige among the Maori. Only a person who was held in regard would be invited to settle a conflict, and it required even greater mana to be successful. As his personal repute grew, so did the influence of the mission.
The 1830s were a decade of achievement and progress for Henry Williams and the CMS mission. Success could be measured in two ways: increasing numbers of Maori were baptised, and the Bay of Islands mission was secure enough to provide a base for expansion throughout the North Island. There had been occasional baptisms in earlier years, but, beginning in 1829–30, several Maori adults and children were baptised at Paihia. By 1842 over 3,000 Maori in the Bay of Islands area had been baptised. No doubt Maori motives for 'going missionary' were often mixed and there was considerable backsliding in later years, but, as Maori conversions increased, the missionaries were successful, at least in their own terms. Their growing confidence in the north enabled them to extend their operations to the south. Here, too, Henry Williams played a leading role. He made several trips to other parts of the North Island to explore the possibilities for expansion, and directed the establishment of new missions. He sent missionaries to begin work at several places in the Waikato during the 1830s, his brother William moved to Turanga, in Poverty Bay, at the end of the decade, and stations were founded as far south as Otaki. By 1840 Henry could look with considerable satisfaction on the achievements of the CMS mission since his arrival in 1823.
But 1840 was also a year of major changes, both for New Zealand and, although he did not appreciate it immediately, for Henry Williams. With the country's annexation by Britain and a growing population of settlers, Henry became embroiled in racial conflict and caught up by forces that were beyond his control. Rather than simply ministering to one race, he was drawn into the increasingly uncomfortable role of mediating between two races.
The ambiguity of his position was apparent at the signing of the Treaty of Waitangi in 1840. Henry translated the English draft of the treaty into Maori, and, at the meetings with the Crown's representative, William Hobson, at Waitangi, he explained its provisions to Maori leaders. Later he travelled to the west coast of the North Island, between Wellington and Wanganui, and to the Marlborough Sounds to persuade other Maori to sign the treaty. However, his Maori version of the treaty was not a literal translation from the English draft and did not convey clearly the cession of sovereignty. Moreover, in his discussions with Maori leaders Henry placed the treaty in the best possible light and this, and his mana, were major factors in the treaty's acceptance. Undoubtedly, therefore, he must bear some of the responsibility for the failure of the Treaty of Waitangi to provide the basis for peaceful settlement and a lasting understanding between Maori and European.
As Maori-European relations deteriorated in the north in the early 1840s, Henry Williams tried to maintain peace between the races, as he had done earlier between tribes. In spite of his efforts the conflict over land and sovereignty soon moved beyond the possibility of compromise. Having failed to prevent hostilities he assisted the wounded and helped evacuate the beleaguered settlers when Hone Heke launched a final attack on Kororareka in 1845. His close association with the Bay of Islands Maori produced accusations of disloyalty from Europeans, while the stationing of British troops at the Waimate mission created suspicion in the minds of some Maori. Other Maori accused him of misleading them in his explanations of the treaty. Throughout the conflict, as in later life, Henry asserted that his missionary vocation was paramount and that his primary concern was for the Maori, but it was difficult to be single-minded when he was assailed from all sides.
The arrival of George Grey to begin his first governorship in late 1845 soon led to Henry Williams's involvement in disputes of another kind. During the 1830s, mostly to provide some security for his growing family, Henry had purchased extensive tracts of land in the Tai-a-mai area, west of Paihia. In dispatches to the Colonial Office that later became public, Grey questioned the validity of Henry's title to the land and falsely claimed that the landholdings of the CMS missionaries were a cause of the war in the north. Henry was obliged to defend his land purchases and, much more important as far as he was concerned, his personal integrity against the governor's charges. But he was fighting a losing battle against a more powerful adversary. Henry's superior, Bishop G. A. Selwyn, sided with Grey, and in 1849 the CMS in London, persuaded by Henry Williams's critics, decided that Henry was too much of an embarrassment to remain a member of the organisation.
His dismissal from the CMS that he had served for so long was a bitter blow to Henry. Within a week of receiving the news in May 1850 he left Paihia and moved to Pakaraka, where his children were farming the land that was the source of so much trouble. He was still a priest in the Church of England and Selwyn had made him archdeacon of Waimate in 1844; he continued to minister and preach to the Maori in his locality and gathered a considerable congregation around him. The injustice against him was only partly assuaged when he was reinstated to the CMS in 1854.
Henry Williams's abiding concern for the Maori was apparent in his distress at the outbreak of warfare with the Pakeha again in 1860. In private correspondence he was critical of the government officials and their policies, but he remained largely aloof from the public debate about the war. In 1862 he wrote to his brother-in-law, Edward Marsh: 'I feel our work is drawing to a close; and were it not for the Maories, I should have relinquished all long since. But I feel bound to them'. After several years of deteriorating health, Henry Williams died on 16 July 1867. His passing was perhaps most keenly felt by the northern Maori among whom he had lived for most of his life.
Tuesday, 14 June 2011
Sibling Rivalry : Hastings v Napier - Michael Fowler
Sibling Rivalry : Hastings v Napier - Michael Fowler
Local historian Michael Fowler will talk on the long history of squabbling between Hastings and Napier.
For 130 years or so, the two communities have engaged in a relationship marked by competition and jealousy. From the establishment of the Hastings plant of the Napier Gas Co., through controversies around port facilities, hospitals, university (lost to Palmerston North), the airport, Michael contends that this troubled relationship has been to the disadvantage of the region.
Have we learnt any lessons from the past? What chance of amalgamation?
Local historian Michael Fowler will talk on the long history of squabbling between Hastings and Napier.
For 130 years or so, the two communities have engaged in a relationship marked by competition and jealousy. From the establishment of the Hastings plant of the Napier Gas Co., through controversies around port facilities, hospitals, university (lost to Palmerston North), the airport, Michael contends that this troubled relationship has been to the disadvantage of the region.
Have we learnt any lessons from the past? What chance of amalgamation?
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